The American Revolution - Document Overview
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The American Revolution began when colonists protested English acts that infringed upon the privileges granted them as British subjects. These protests became rebellion as the issue of privileges quickly became one of rights. As James Thacher, a young physician, wrote one January day in 1775, "In no country . . . is the love of liberty more deeply rooted, or the knowledge of the rights inherent to freemen more generally diffused, or better understood, than among the British American Colonies." Although loyal British subjects both in mother country and colonies could point out the benefits of living under the British constitution, once the discontented colonists determined that a corrupt imperial government threatened their natural rights, as well as their privileges as citizens, the resistance movement exploded into both a revolution and a war for independence.
It was a thrilling, multidimensional revolution, for in the course of destroying the fetters of empire and forging new national bonds, the revolutionaries grappled with novel ideas and institutions. They did not act upon or implement everything that was proposed, nor was everything that was initiated successful, but it was an exhilarating, exasperating, and sometimes scary time of experimentation.
There were revolutionaries of all sorts active in all facets of change—political, military, and social. Political revolutionaries lambasted loyalists and lauded separatists in their struggle for the allegiance of Americans. They also bickered, dickered, and philosophized their way through the establishment of new state and national governments. Militaristic revolutionaries focused their minds and might on winning the War for American Independence. Whether serving in the Continental Army or the state regiments and militia, they battled against foreign and domestic enemies. These two groups of revolutionaries, after many setbacks, met with success, but success brought with it both questions and challenges. Many of those challenges were delivered by those who also wanted to see a societal revolution. Social revolutionaries, from those who had only begun to question established hierarchies and conventions to those who wanted to overthrow them, presented some of the most troublesome issues of the era. While they helped initiate some changes—as soon seen in wider suffrage, an increase in private manumissions, the abolition of slavery in some states, and a greater separation between church and state—they did not meet with the same success as the other revolutionaries.
A major issue confronting the revolutionaries was how to act upon the words that initiated and described the new world they wanted to create. They voted in new state constitutions and governments; they took up arms to ensure independence; but many stopped short—some in humorous disbelief and others in horror—when some of their associates grabbed hold of the words and applied them literally and liberally. To many revolutionaries the formation of a republic based on the notion that all free, white, adult males were legally and politically equal was quite radical enough. Indeed, they were right—it was a radical change from what was practiced in most of the world. But others argued for a new order in that new world: for all men to be equal, neither creed nor color must matter. If "men" meant humankind, then gender must be irrelevant. But in this case, at that time, such a definition was too demanding: most revolutionaries were unable or unwilling to free themselves of the social and cultural constraints by which they defined their world. Even so, the words remained, and were—and are—dynamic elements of revolution in American history.
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Diary of a Revolutionary Army Physician (1776)
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This document consists of excerpts from the diary of a physician, Lewis Beebe, who was traveling with the Continental army in New England in an expedition against the British in Canada. Little is known about Beebe. He received a degree from Yale in 1771 and settled in a small Massachusetts town to practice medicine. His wife died in 1775, one year after their marriage. He makes reference to her as his "Consort" in the excerpts below. After the war Beebe was ordained as a Congregational minister and served from 1787 to 1791. His religious beliefs may explain his comments below about the troops' lack of religion and their salty language. From 1791 to his death in 1816 Beebe was a shopkeeper in a small New York town.
As you read the passage, note the miserable conditions endured by the troops and the limited ability of the physician to fight the various camp illnesses. Note also his references to the strong patriotism of the troops. (The spelling of words is as in the original.)
[May 1776] Sunday 26...Yesterday & today I have been much unwell, trouble with the quick step, attended with Severe gripings. If ever I had a compassionate feeling for my fellow creatures who were objects in distress, I think it was this day, to see Large barns filled with men in the very heighth of the small pox and not the least thing, to make them Comfortable, was almost Sufficient to excite the pity of Brutes.
[June 1776]Tuesday 4th: one of our Regt. Died this morning very suddenly, and was intered in the afternoon, without so much as a Coffin, and with little or no ceremony. Among hundreds of men it was difficult to procure 8 or 10 to bear the corps about 15 rods. Death is a Subject not to be attended to by Soldiers; Hell & Damnation is in allmost every ones mouth from the time they awake till they fall asleep again, the Stupidity of mankind in this situation is beyond all Description...
Wednesday 5th: For 10 days past I have been greatly troubled with the dysentery, and for three days it has been very severe, took Physic in the morning. Hope for some relief. In the afternoon went across the river to visit Col. Reed who I found to have the disorder very light, the number of sick with the Pekot on this side is about 300, the greater part of which have it by innoculation, and like to do well.
Friday 7. Last evening one died of the small pox, & early this morning one of the Colic, at 10 A.M. one of the Nervous fever, here in the hospital, is to be seen at the same time some dead, some Dying, others at the point of death, some Whistleing, some singing & many Cursing & swearing, this is a strange Composition and its chief intention has not as yet been discovered . . . . Visited many of the sick in the hospital—was moved with a Compassionate feeling for poor Distressed Soldiers, when they are taken sick, are thrown into this dirty, stinking place, and left to take care of themselves. No attendance, no provision made, but what must be Loathed and abhorred by all both well & sick.
Monday 10th June this day compleats a year Since the departure of my dear Consort, the memory of whom will ever be sweet to me; O! fleeting time, who dost make no delay, but with rapid force sweeps, all without distinction to one common grave; therefore Let me remember, that the same thing must take place with respect to me, as it did to her—O! that the noise and tumult of war, might not engage my mind so as to forget my own mortallity; may the great things of futurity, the infinite concerns of eternity, have their due weight upon my mind that they might have a place still in my breast. This day died two in Colo. Pattersons Regt. with the small pox; No intelligence of importance comes to hand this day; except orders, from the great Mr. Brigadier Genl. Arnold, for Colo. Poor with his Regt. to proceeed to Sorrell immediately: Is not this a politick plan, especially since there is not Ten men in the Regt. but what has either now got the small pox; or taken the infection. Some men love to command, however ridiculous their orders may apear. But I am apt to think, we shall remain in this Garrison for the present. it is enough to confuse & distract a rational man to be Surgn to a Regt. nothing to be heard from morning to night, but Doctr. Doctr. Doctr. from every side 'till one is deaf, dumb & blind, and almost dead; add to all this that we have nothing to eat; thus poor Soldiers live sometimes better, but never worse.
Monday 17. This morning had Colo. Poors orders to repair to Isle aux naux to take care of the sick there; accordingly sailed in a batteau, and arrived there about 3 P.M. was struck with amazement upon my arrival, to see the vast crowds of poor distressed Creatures. Language cannot describe nor imagination paint, the scenes of misery and distess the Soldiery endure. Scarecely a tent upon this Isle but what contains one or more in distress and continually groaning calling for relief, but in vain! Requests of this nature as as little regarded as the singing of Crickets in a Summers evening. The most shocking of all Spectacles was to see a large barn Crowded full of men with this disorder, many of which could not See, Speak or walk . . . . No mortal will ever beleive what these suffered unless they were eye witnesses.
Thursday 27. Buried two of our Regt. this day. The hot weather, proves very unfriendly to those who have the small pox. A large Schooner arrived from Isle aux naux, deeply Loaded with Stores. One thing by the way is somewhat remarkable, that a Regt. so distressed with sickness as ours should be so engaged in fatigue and doing duty, that they can by no means find time to attend prayers night & morning or even preaching upon the Sabbath; the Regts. are generally Supplied with Chaplains, who are as destitute of employ in their way: as parson who is dismissed from his people, for the most Scandalous of Crimes. At Sorrell I heard one morning & evening prayer, and one Sermon—at Chambly none—at St. Johns none at Isle aux naux, one eveing prayer, & one with the sick. At this place none as yet. Indeed it is esteemed very unpopular, and unbecoming a Gentlemen, in the Camps to attened upon any religious exercises, and happy would it be, did not many officers endeavour to inculcate, & establish this principle in the minds of others.
[July 1776] Thursday 4th: The army have been here for Several days, and notwithstanding they are under great apprehensions of an attack from the enemy soon —yet they are as Secure & easy as if they were Wholly at peace, and in a Garrison, not to be stormed by any finite power; Not the least preparation for Fortifying the Garrison, which has tumbled to ruin & decay. The Genls. have their hands full in riding about the camp—prancing their Gay horses the Field officers, set much of their time upon Court marshals. The Capts. & Subs may generally be found at the grog shops. The Soldiers either sleeping, swimming, fishing, or Cursing and Swearing most generally the Latter . . . .
[August] Wednesday 28th: The wind being ahead we were not able to cross the lake, visited the hospital found the nubmer of sick to be about 700, viewed the burying place counted upwards of 300 graves, which had been opened in about 5 weeks. the appearance of which was melancholy indeed, to see such desolation made in our army.
[September] Sunday 6th: My disorder caused me to rise several times Last night; again at the Revilee beat; at 8 a.m. took a puke of vinum antimoniale; which operated very kindly; was very weak the remainder of the day. I find my experience, and many other ways, that the general principle, upon which our army act, whether they are taken as a body or as individuals, is entirely self. yet doubtless their sinister views, run in very diffefrent channels. Some are in persuit of money, some of promotion & honor. But was we free from all; except those who hav the cause of Liberty nearest their heart; and who engage principly with a view of defending, and transmitting, those inestimable prividledges, to posterity; for which our Ancestoers Left their native land, and fled to this a howling wildernes, encountering evey danger. I say was we free from all, except those who act upon this principle; our army would be reduced to a small number.
Monday 7th: . . . Colo. Poor has lately made his appearance in Scarlet; this, or something not much better, makes him feel his importance, in a very surprising manner. In general he is very sociable and popular; but of an absolute, Despotick turn of mind. As to his principles, respecting religion, it is very difficult to determine, what they are; But in my opinon he has none at all. Our Lieut, Colo. McDuffee, is a most excellent arminion &c. Majr. Sily who is rightly named is a very sillly man; yet the fool, has learned to swear & damn by rule: to such a degree of perfection that his equal is scarcely to be found in the Camp. Surprising genius! Our officers & soldiers in general are remarkably expert in the swearing way, nothing comes more handy, or gives such power and force to their words, as a Blasphemous oath. In general the Regt. is composed to Deists, Arminims, and a few who ridicule the Bible, and everthing of a sacred nature. In short, they Laugh at death, mock at Hell and damnation; & even challenge the Diety, to remove them out of this world by Thunder and Lightning.
[From "Journal of a Physician on the Expedition against Canada, 1776,"
The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 59 (1935): 330, 332-39, 343-45, 343-47, 351-52.]
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A Follower's Remembrance of Yorktown (1837)
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The formation and use of the armed forces—whether militia, state troops, or the Continental Army—of the new United States illustrated both traditional and innovative aspects of military science. Most armies of the era had camp followers: men, women, and children who were attached to military members or departments for either personal or professional reasons. Despite Washington's efforts to minimize their numbers and effects, the American army had a considerable number of these people. Washington and other commanding officers therefore had to ensure that the followers would not undermine discipline and military operations but would, instead, contribute to them. As a result, these followers not only observed but participated in some of the key events of the military side of the Revolution. Sarah Osborn was in her mid-twenties when she married Aaron Osborn. She then shared the hardships and adventures of army life with him when he reenlisted in the Continental Army as a commissary sergeant with the Third New York Regiment. After the war and after her husband abandoned her for another woman, Osborn married John Benjamin, himself a veteran. In 1837 Sarah Osborn Benjamin successfully offered this account in her application for a pension: she was awarded a double pension for both her husbands' (and perhaps in recognition of her own) service.
On this twentieth day of November, a.d. 1837, personally appeared before the Court of Common Pleas of said county of Wayne, Sarah Benjamin, a resident of Pleasant Mount in said county of Wayne and state of Pennsylvania, aged eighty-one years on the seventeenth day of the present month, who being first duly sworn according to law, doth on her oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the benefit of the provision made by the act of Congress passed July 4, 1836, and the act explanatory of said act, passed March 3, 1837.
That she was married to Aaron Osborn, who was a soldier during the Revolutionary War. . . .
That after deponent had married said Osborn, he informed her that he was returned during the war, and that he desired deponent to go with him. Deponent declined until she was informed by Captain Gregg that her husband should be put on the commissary guard, and that she should have the means of conveyance either in a wagon or on horseback. That deponent then in the same winter season in sleighs accompanied her husband and the forces under command of Captain Gregg on the east side of the Hudson river to Fishkill, then crossed the river and went down to West Point. . . .
Deponent, accompanied by her said husband and the same forces, returned during the same season to West Point. Deponent recollects no other females in company but the wife of Lieutenant Forman and of Sergeant Lamberson. . . .
Deponent further says that she and her husband remained at West Point till the departure of the army for the South, . . .
* * *
They . . . marched . . . for a place called Williamsburg, as she thinks, deponent alternately on horseback and on foot. There arrived, they remained two days till the army all came in by land and then marched for Yorktown, or Little York as it was then called. The York troops were posted at the right, the Connecticut troops next, and the French to the left. In about one day or less than a day, they reached the place of encampment about one mile from Yorktown. Deponent was on foot and the other females above named and her said husband still on the commissary's guard. Deponent's attention was arrested by the appearance of a large plain between them and Yorktown and an entrenchment thrown up. She also saw a number of dead Negroes lying round their encampment, whom she understood the British had driven out of the town and left to starve, or were first starved and then thrown out. Deponent took her stand just back of the American tents, say about a mile from the town, and busied herself washing, mending, and cooking for the soldiers, in which she was assisted by the other females; some men washed their own clothing. She heard the roar of the artillery for a number of days, and the last night the Americans threw up entrenchments, it was a misty, foggy night, rather wet but not rainy. Every soldier threw up for himself, as she understood, and she afterwards saw and went into the entrenchments. Deponent's said husband was there throwing up entrenchments, and deponent cooked and carried in beef, and bread, and coffee (in a gallon pot) to the soldiers in the entrenchment.
On one occasion when deponent was thus employed carrying in provisions, she met General Washington, who asked her if she "was not afraid of the cannonballs?"
She replied, "No, the bullets would not cheat the gallows," that "It would not do for the men to fight and starve too."
They dug entrenchments nearer and nearer to Yorktown every night or two till the last. While digging that, the enemy fired very heavy till about nine o'clock next morning, then stopped, and the drums from the enemy beat excessively. Deponent was a little way off in Colonel Van Schaick's or the officers' marquee and a number of officers were present, among whom was Captain Gregg, who, on account of infirmities, did not go out much to do duty.
The drums continued beating, and all at once the officers hurrahed and swung their hats, and deponent asked them, "What is the matter now?"
One of them replied, "Are not you soldier enough to know what it means?"
Deponent replied, "No."
They then replied, "The British have surrendered. "
Deponent, having provisions ready, carried the same down to the entrenchments that morning, and four of the soldiers whom she was in the habit of cooking for ate their breakfasts.
Deponent stood on one side of the road and the American officers upon the other side when the British officers came out of the town and rode up to the American officers and delivered up [their swords, which the deponent] thinks were returned again, and the British officers rode right on before the army, who marched out beating and playing a melancholy tune, their drums covered with black handkerchiefs and their fifes with black ribbands tied around them, into an old field and there grounded their arms and then returned into town again to await their destiny. Deponent recollects seeing a great many American officers, some on horseback and some on foot, but cannot call them all by name. Washington, Lafayette, and Clinton were among the number. The British general at the head of the army was a large, portly man, full face, and the tears rolled down his cheeks as he passed along. She does not recollect his name, but it was not Cornwallis. She saw the latter afterwards and noticed his being a man of diminutive appearance and having cross eyes.
On going into town, she noticed two dead Negroes lying by the market house. She had the curiosity to go into a large building that stood nearby, and there she noticed the cupboards smashed to pieces and china dishes and other ware strewed around upon the floor, and among the rest a pewter cover to a hot basin that had a handle on it. She picked it up, supposing it to belong to the British, but the governor came in and claimed it as his, but said he would have the name of giving it away as it was the last one out of twelve that he could see, and accordingly presented it to deponent, and she afterwards brought it home with her to Orange County and sold it for old pewter, which she has a hundred times regretted.
* * *
[From John C. Dann, ed.,
The Revolution Remembered: Eyewitness Accounts of the War for Independence (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), pp. 241–42, 244–46. [Editorial insertions that appear in square brackets are from Dann's edition—
Ed.]]
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Writings on African American Participation in the American Revolution (1775-81)
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African Americans, both free and enslaved, served in the armies of both sides of the American Revolution and hoped to be served by it. It can be argued that they fought not so much to defend as to gain country and rights. The Earl of Dunmore tapped into that desire when he issued a call for servants and slaves to join the British army. Many responded, sneaking away to the British encampment in Norfolk, Virginia. Some survived soldiering and servitude with that army to gain their freedom at war's end. African Americans enlisted in the Continental Army as freemen, were enlisted into it as substitutes for white masters, or worked for it in auxiliary positions. Slaves whose masters allowed them to serve, and those who were used as substitutes, were to be freed when the war was over. Other slaves who endured the hard campaigns in such roles as servant, waggoner, and pioneer (performing engineering tasks such as ditch-digging) were not guaranteed freedom, though recognition of services rendered sometimes gained them that reward. Although the American forces had no problem with using blacks in ancillary roles, they did debate the propriety of arming and serving with them as soldiers. This controversy began with the creation of the American army and then rose and ebbed with the need for manpower (see Dummone's Proclamation). Furthermore, Anglo- and European-Americans recognized that revolutionary rhetoric could as easily be turned against them as slaveholders as against the king as despot. Many tried to refute the comparison by arguing that slaves were property. Others argued that the new nation must live up to its declared principles of liberty and equality for all.
Dunmore's Proclamation
I do hereby . . . declare all indented servants, Negroes, or others [belonging to the Rebels,] free, that are able and willing to bear arms, they joining His Majesty's Troops, as soon as may be, for the more speedily reducing the colony to a proper sense of their duty, to His Majesty's crown and dignity.
| | John Murray, Earl of Dunmore,
Royal Governor of Virginia
7 November 1775 |
Virginia's Response to Dunmore's Proclamation in the Pennsylvania Gazette, 13 December 1775
WILLIAMSBURG, November 29.
* * *
Lord Dunmore's cruel policy begins at length to be discovered by the blacks, who have lately deserted from him to a considerable number. When his Lordship first went down to Norfolk he gave great encouragement to unwary Negroes, but, such was his baseness, some of them, it is confidently said, he sent to the West Indies, where these unfortunate creatures were disposed of to defray his Lordship's expences; and others, such as he took any dislike to, he delivered up to their masters, to be punished. Since the troops under Col. Woodford's command began their march, Lord Dunmore issued a proclamation inviting the slaves of rebels, as he pleased to say, to repair to his standard. A considerable number at first went to him, but upon their masters taking the oath of allegiance, they were immediately told they must return. Some runaways, however, remained, but these were kept constantly employed in digging entrenchments in wet ground, till at length the severity of their labour forced many of them to fly. Those that were left behind have made several attempts to get off, but such is the barbarous policy of this cruel man, he keeps these unhappy creatures not only against their will, but intends to place them in the front of the battle, to prevent their flying, in case of an engagement, which, from their utter ignorance of firearms, he knows they will do.
Last Tuesday night a party of men, chiefly blacks, from a tender, came up to Mr. Benjamin Wells's, at Mulberry island, pillaged his house of every thing valuable, such as bedding, wearing apparel, liquors, a watch, the stock of poultry, and carried off two negroe girls. They told Mrs. Wells, that they had orders to burn the house; which they would certainly have put in execution, had it not been for her earnest entreaty to spare it that time, as she had some sick children in bed, who must perish in the flames.
Dec. 2. Since Lord Dunmore's proclamation made its appearance here, it is said he has recruited his army, in the counties of Princes Anne and Norfolk, to the amount of about 2000 men, including his black regiment, which is thought to be a considerable part, with this inscription on their breasts:Ñ—"Liberty to Slaves."—However, as the rivers will henceforth be strictly watched, and every possible precaution taken, it is hoped others will be effectually prevented from joining those his Lordship has already collected.
* * *
Nine Negroes (two of them women) who had been endeavouring to get to Norfolk in an open boat, and put ashore on Point Comfort, were fired upon by some persons in pursuit, taken, and brought here on Thursday; two of the fellows are wounded, and it is expected the rest will soon be made examples of.
* * *
From Newspaper Response, the
Pennsylvania Gazette, 13 December 1775, in Accessible Archives CD ROM, Folio III (1766–83).
After Orders, Headquarters near York, 25 October 1781.
* * *
It having been represented that many Negroes and Mulattoes the property of Citizens of these States have concealed themselves on board the Ships in the harbor; that some still continue to attach themselves to British Officers and that others have attempted to impose themselves upon the officers of the French and American Armies as Freemen and to make their escapes in that manner, In order to prevent their succeeding in such practices All Officers of the Allied Army and other persons of every denomination concerned are directed not to suffer any such negroes or mulattoes to be retained in their Service but on the contrary to cause them to be delivered to the Guards which will be establish'd for their reception at one of the Redoubts in York and another in Gloucester. Mr. David Ross will have the superintendency and will give passes to enable them to return to their Masters or where that is not practicable will have directions to make other provision for them. Any Negroes or mulattoes who are free upon proving the same will be left to their own disposal. The Gentlemen of the American Army who have made return to the Orderly Office of negroes in their possession agreeably to the Order of the 9th. instant are desired to deliver them to the above mentioned Mr. David Ross this day or tomorrow.
* * *
From George Washington,
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources 1745Ð1799, vol. 23, ed. John C. Fitzpatrick (Washington, DC: GPO, 1937), pp. 264–65.
Legislative Petition to Free Slave for Service
That Whereas William Beck Mullato Slave formerly the property of Major Thos. Meriwether & purchased by said Thos. Walker Junr. of his heirs for the sum of Seventy pound has during his servitude behaved in a most exemplary manner, while with him, under Colo Charles Lewis in several Campaigns to the northward & having paid the said Thos. Walker Junr. the (first) purchace, fully expecting his freedom for the same, your petitioner does therefore most humbly request your hon. house would declare the said William Beck to be free. . . .
| | Thomas Walker, Jr.,
Albemarle County,
to Virginia Government
23 October 1779
Passed by Virginia House and Senate on
30 October 1779 |
From Walker petition to free Beck in Legislation Petitions, Archives of Library of Virginia.
[From Newspaper Response, the
Pennsylvania Gazette, 13 December 1775, in Accessible Archives CD Rom, Folio III (1766–83). Washington's After Orders, Headquarters near York, 25 October 1781 in George Washington,
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources 1745Ð1799, vol. 23, Ed. John C. Fitzpatrick (Washington, DC: GPO, 1937), pp. 264–65. Walker petition to free Beck in Legislation Petitions, Archives of Library of Virginia.]
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The Letters of John and Abigail Adams (1776-83)
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Abigail Adams recognized that the constituting of a new government was a chance to rectify gender inequities inherent in law, politics, and society. A problem for historians, however, is determining whether she was exceptional or representative of her female contemporaries. While it may be impossible to discover how many thought as she did, it is probable that those who did advocate such change tried to influence their friends and family—especially the men who participated in politics—to effect reform. Adams spent much of the war separated from her husband John, but the loving couple kept postriders busy with their constant letters on family, local, and national affairs. They also maintained a voluminous correspondence with many other people, such as their good friend Mercy Otis Warren (the learned wife of politician Joseph Warren, she would later write a history of the Revolution), and John Thaxter, Sr., the husband of Abigail Adams's aunt. While John Adams was off in Philadelphia creating a new nation or overseas in Europe representing the United States, his wife—in this act representative of so many other women—took command on the homefront. Adams and other female patriots did without their usual comforts, boycotted British goods, and took on additional burdens to maintain family farms and businesses.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
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You ask, what is thought of Common sense [Paine's pamphlet]. Sensible Men think there are some Whims, some Sophisms, some artfull Addresses to superstitious Notions, some keen attempts upon the Passions, in this Pamphlet. But all agree there is a great deal of good sense, delivered in a clear, simple, concise and nervous Style.
His Sentiments of the Abilities of America, and of the Difficulty of a Reconciliation with G.B. are generally approved. But his Notions, and Plans of Continental Government are not much applauded. Indeed this Writer has a better Hand at pulling down than building. . . .
This Writer seems to have very inadequate Ideas of what is proper and necessary to be done, in order to form Constitutions for single Colonies, as well as a great Model of Union for the whole.
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Abigail Adams to John Adams
I wish you would ever write me a Letter half as long as I write you; and tell me if you may where your Fleet are gone? What sort of Defence Virginia can make against our common Enemy? Whether it is so situated as to make an able Defence? Are not the Gentery Lords and the common people vassals, are they not like the uncivilized Natives Brittain represents us to be? I hope their Riffel Men who have shewen themselves very savage and even Blood thirsty; are not a specimen of the Generality of the people.
I am willing to allow the Colony great merrit for having produced a Washington but they have been shamefully duped by a Dunmore.
I have sometimes been ready to think that the passion for Liberty cannot be Eaquelly Strong in the Breasts of those who have been accustomed to deprive their fellow Creatures of theirs. Of this I am certain that it is not founded upon that generous and christian principal of doing to others as we would that others should do unto us.
* * *
I feel very differently at the approach of spring to what I did a month ago. We knew not then whether we could plant or sow with safety, whether when we had toild we could reap the fruits of our own industery, whether we could rest in our own Cottages, or whether we should not be driven from the sea coasts to seek shelter in the wilderness, but now we feel as if we might sit under our own vine and eat the good of the land.
* * *
Tho we felicitate ourselves, we sympathize with those who are trembling least the Lot of Boston should be theirs. But they cannot be in similar circumstances unless pusilanimity and cowardise should take possession of them. They have time and warning given them to see the Evil and shun it.—I long to hear that you have declared an independancy—and by the way in the new Code of Laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make I desire you would Remember the Ladies, and be more generous and favourable to them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of the Husbands. Remember all Men would be tyrants if they could. If perticuliar care and attention is not paid to the Laidies we are determined to foment a Rebelion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any Laws in which we have no voice, or Representation.
That your Sex are Naturally Tyrannical is a Truth so thoroughly established as to admit of no dispute, but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up the harsh title of Master for the more tender and endearing one of Friend. Why then, not put it out of the power of the vicious and the Lawless to use us with cruelty and indignity with impunity. Men of Sense in all Ages abhor those customs which treat us only as the vassals of your Sex. Regard us then as Beings placed by providence under your protection and in immitation of the Supreem Being make use of that power only for our happiness.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
You justly complain of my short Letters, but the critical State of Things and the Multiplicity of Avocations must plead my Excuse.—You ask where the Fleet is. The inclosed Papers will inform you. You ask what Sort of Defence Virginia can make. I believe they will make an able Defence. Their Militia and minute Men have been some time employed in training them selves, and they have Nine Battallions of regulars as they call them, maintained among them, under good Officers, at the Continental Expence. They have set up a Number of Manufactories of Fire Arms, which are busily employed. They are tolerably supplied with Powder, and are successfull and assiduous, in making Salt Petre. Their neighbouring Sister or rather Daughter Colony of North Carolina, which is a warlike Colony, and has several Battallions at the Continental Expence, as well as a pretty good Militia, are ready to assist them, and they are in very good Spirits, and seem determined to make a brave Resistance.—The Gentry are very rich, and the common People very poor. This Inequality of Property, gives an Aristocratical Turn to all their Proceedings, and occasions a strong Aversion in their Patricians, to Common Sense. But the Spirit of these Barons, is coming down, and it must submit.
It is very true, as you observe they have been duped by Dunmore. But this is a Common Case. All the Colonies are duped, more or less, at one Time and another. . . .
* * *
As to Declarations of Independency, be patient. Read our Privateering Laws, and our Commercial Laws. What signifies a Word.
As to your extraordinary Code of Laws, I cannot but laugh. We have been told that our Struggle has loosened the bands of Government every where. That Children and Apprentices were disobedient—that schools and Colledges were grown turbulent—that Indians slighted their Guardians and Negroes grew insolent to their Masters. But your Letter was the first Intimation that another Tribe more numerous and powerfull than all the rest were grown discontented.—This is rather too coarse a Compliment but you are so saucy, I wont blot it out.
Depend upon it, We know better than to repeal our Masculine systems. Altho they are in full Force, you know they are little more than Theory. We dare not exert our Power in its full Latitude. We are obliged to go fair, and softly, and in Practice you know We are the subjects. We have only the Name of Masters, and rather than give up this, which would compleatly subject Us to the Despotism of the Peticoat, I hope General Washington, and all our brave Heroes would fight. I am sure every good Politician would plot, as long as he would against Despotism, Empire, Monarchy, Aristocracy, Oligarchy, or Ochlocracy.—A fine Story indeed. I begin to think the Ministry as deep as they are wicked. After stirring up Tories, Landjobbers, Trimmers, Bigots, Canadians, Indians, Negroes, Hanoverians, Hessians, Russians, Irish Roman Catholicks, Scotch Renegadoes, at last they have stimulated the [——] to demand new Priviledges and threaten to rebell.
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren
* * *
I dare say [John Adams] writes to no one unless to Portia1 oftner than to your Friend [Warren's husband], because I know there is no one besides in whom he has an eaquel confidence. His Letters to me have been generally short, but he pleads in Excuse the critical state of affairs and the Multiplicity of avocations and says further that he has been very Busy, . . .
He is very sausy to me in return for a List of Female Grievances which I transmitted to him. I think I will get you to join me in a petition to Congress. I thought it was very probable our wise Statesmen would erect a New Government and form a new code of Laws. I ventured to speak a word in behalf of our Sex, who are rather hardly dealt with by the Laws of England which gives such unlimitted power to the Husband to use his wife Ill.
I requested that our Legislators would consider our case and as all Men of Delicacy and Sentiment are averse to Excercising the power they possess, yet as there is a natural propensity in Humane Nature to domination, I thought the most generous plan was to put it out of the power of the Arbitary and tyranick to injure us with impunity by Establishing some Laws in our favour upon just and Liberal principals.
I believe I even threatned fomenting a Rebellion in case we were not considerd, and assured him we would not hold ourselves bound by any Laws in which we had neither a voice, nor representation.
In return he tells me he cannot but Laugh at My Extrodonary Code of Laws. That he had heard their Struggle had loosned the bands of Goverment, that children and apprentices were dissabedient, that Schools and Colledges were grown turbulant, that Indians slighted their Guardians, and Negroes grew insolent to their Masters. But my Letter was the first intimation that another Tribe more numerous and powerfull than all the rest were grown discontented. This is rather too coarse a complement, he adds, but that I am so sausy he wont blot it out.
So I have help'd the Sex abundantly, but I will tell him I have only been making trial of the Disintresstedness of his Virtue, and when weigh'd in the balance have found it wanting.
It would be bad policy to grant us greater power say they since under all the disadvantages we Labour we have the assendancy over their Hearts
And charm by accepting, by submitting sway.
I wonder Apollo and the Muses could not have indulged me with a poetical Genious. I have always been a votary to her charms but never could assend Parnassus myself.
* * *
Abigail Adams to John Adams
* * *
A Goverment of more Stability is much wanted in this colony, and they are ready to receive it from the Hands of the Congress, and since I have begun with Maxims of State I will add an other viz. that a people may let a king fall, yet still remain a people, but if a king let his people slip from him, he is no longer a king. And as this is most certainly our case, why not proclaim to the World in decisive terms your own importance?
Shall we not be dispiced by foreign powers for hesitateing so long at a word?
I can not say that I think you very generous to the Ladies, for whilst you are proclaiming peace and good will to Men, Emancipating all Nations, you insist upon retaining an absolute power over Wives. But you must remember that Arbitary power is like most other things which are very hard, very liable to be broken—and notwithstanding all your wise Laws and Maxims we have it in our power not only to free ourselves but to subdue our Masters, and without voilence throw both your natural and legal authority at our feet[.]
* * *
John Adams to Abigail Adams
| | Philadelphia July 3. 1776 |
* * *
Yesterday the greatest Question was decided, which ever was debated in America, and a greater perhaps, never was or will be decided among Men. A Resolution was passed without one dissenting Colony "that these united Colonies, are, and of right ought to be free and independent States, and as such, they have, and of Right ought to have full Power to make War, conclude Peace, establish Commerce, and to do all the other Acts and Things, which other States may rightfully do." You will see in a few days a Declaration setting forth the Causes, which have impell'd Us to this mighty Revolution, and the Reasons which will justify it, in the Sight of God and Man. A Plan of Confederation will be taken up in a few days.
When I look back to the Year 1761, and recollect the Argument concerning Writs of Assistance, in the Superiour Court, which I have hitherto considered as the Commencement of the Controversy, between Great Britain and America, and run through the whole Period from that Time to this, and recollect the series of political Events, the Chain of Causes and Effects, I am surprized at the Suddenness, as well as Greatness of this Revolution. Britain has been fill'd with Folly, and America with Wisdom, at least this is my Judgment.—Time must determine. It is the Will of Heaven, that the two Countries should be sundered forever. It may be the Will of Heaven that America shall suffer Calamities still more wasting and Distresses yet more dreadfull. If this is to be the Case, it will have this good Effect, at least: it will inspire Us with many Virtues, which We have not, and correct many Errors, Follies, and Vices, which threaten to disturb, dishonour, and destroy Us.—The Furnace of Affliction produces Refinement, in States as well as Individuals. And the new Governments we are assuming, in every Part, will require a Purification from our Vices, and an Augmentation of our Virtues or they will be no Blessings. The People will have unbounded Power. And the People are extreamly addicted to Corruption and Venality, as well as the Great.—I am not without Apprehensions from this Quarter. But I must submit all my Hopes and Fears, to an overruling Providence, in which, unfashionable as the Faith may be, I firmly believe.
Abigail Adams to John Adams
* * *
You remark upon the deficiency of Education in your Countrymen. It never I believe was in a worse state, at least for many years. The Colledge is not in the state one could wish, the Schollars complain that their professer in Philosophy is taken of by publick Buisness to their great detriment. In this Town I never saw so great a neglect of Education. The poorer sort of children are wholly neglected, and left to range the Streets without Schools, without Buisness, given up to all Evil. The Town is not as formerly divided into Wards. There is either too much Buisness left upon the hands of a few, or too little care to do it. We daily see the Necessity of a regular Goverment. . . .
If you complain of neglect of Education in sons, What shall I say with regard to daughters, who every day experience the want of it. With regard to the Education of my own children, I find myself soon out of my debth, and destitute and deficient in every part of Education.
I most sincerely wish that some more liberal plan might be laid and executed for the Benefit of the rising Generation, and that our new constitution may be distinguished for Learning and Virtue. If we mean to have Heroes, Statesmen and Philosophers, we should have learned women. The world perhaps would laugh at me, and accuse me of vanity, But you I know have a mind too enlarged and liberal to disregard the Sentiment. If much depends as is allowed upon the early Education of youth and the first principals which are instilld take the deepest root, great benifit must arise from litirary accomplishments in women.
* * *
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren
| | August 14. 1777. Braintree |
This is the memorable fourteenth of August. This day 12 years the Stamp office was distroyd. Since that time what have we endured? What have we suffer'd? Many very many memorable Events which ought to be handed down to posterity will be buried in oblivion merely for want of a proper Hand to record them, whilst upon the opposite side many venal pens will be imployd to misrepresent facts and to render all our actions odious in the Eyes of future Generations. I have always been sorry that a certain person who once put their Hand to the pen, should be discouraged, and give up so important a service. Many things would have been recorded by the penetrateing Genious of that person which thro the multiplicity of Events and the avocations of the times will wholly escape the notice of any future Historian.
The History and the Events of the present day must fill every Humane Breast with Horrour. Every week produces some Horrid Scene perpetrated by our Barbarous foes, not content with a uniform Series of cruelties practised by their own Hands, but they must let loose the infernal Savages "those dogs of War" and cry Havock to them. Cruelty, impiety and an utter oblivion of the natural Sentiments of probity and Honour with the voilation of all Laws Humane and Divine rise at one veiw and characterise a George, a How and a Burgoine.
O my dear Friend when I bring Home to my own Dwelling these tragical Scenes which are every week presented in the publick papers to us, and only in Idea realize them, my whole Soul is distress'd. Were I a man I must be in the Feild. I could not live to endure the Thought of my Habitation desolated, my children Butcherd, and I an inactive Spectator.
* * *
Abigail Adams to John Thaxter
| Dear Sir | Braintree Febry 15 1778 |
* * *
It gives me pleasure to see so distinguished a Genious as Mrs. Macauly2 Honourd with a Statue, yet she wanted it not to render her Name immortal. The Gentleman who erected it has sullied the glory of his deed by the narrow contracted Spirit which he discovers in the inscription, . . . Even the most Excellent monody which he wrote upon the Death of his Lady will not atone for a mind contracted enough to wish that but one woman in an age might excell, and she only for the sake of a prodigy. What must be that Genious which cannot do justice to one Lady, but at the expence of the whole Sex?
It is really mortifying Sir, when a woman possessd of a common share of understanding considers the difference of Education between the male and female Sex, even in those families where Education is attended too. Every assistance and advantage which can be procured is afforded to the sons, whilst the daughters are totally neglected in point of Literature. Writing and Arithmetick comprise all their Learning. Why should children of the same parents be thus distinguished? Why should the Females who have a part to act upon the great Theater, and a part not less important to Society, (as the care of a family and the first instruction of Children falls to their share, and if as we are told that first impressions are most durable), is it not of great importance that those who are to instill the first principals should be suiteably qualified for the Trust, Especially when we consider that families compose communities, and individuals make up the sum total. Nay why should your sex wish for such a disparity in those whom they one day intend for companions and associates. Pardon me Sir if I cannot help sometimes suspecting that this Neglect arises in some measure from an ungenerous jealosy of rivals near the Throne—but I quit the Subject or it will run away with my pen.
* * *
John Thaxter to Abigail Adams
| Dear Madam | York Town March 6th. 1778 |
Your much esteemed favor came to hand this day, in which you inform me of the departure of your "dearest
Friend."
3 I sincerely wish for your sake it had been convenient and safe for you to have accompanied him: But the danger you mention must, I think, have made the voyage disagreeable and had the event taken place, doubly aggravating on his part. . . . The principle, on which you assented to his departure, was noble, and marks that zeal and attachment to the cause of our country, which has so eminently distinguished you. Honor or profit weighed not with either of you, I am certain. . . .
* * *
I cannot pass over that part of your agreeable favor which contain some strictures on the statue of [Mrs.] McCaulay, and the difference in point of Education between [male] and female, without an acknowledgment of the justice of the observations. They are so ingenious, and at the same time so just, that if complaisance did not suggest silence, Reason would tell me that the subterfuges of sophistication would be defyed in breaking silence and attempting to explain them away. After mentioning that our sex wish a disparity, you subjoin a suspicion that Jealousy of rivalship is the foundation of the neglect of your sex. Madam, I am positive it is too often the case. It is an "ungenerous Jealousy" as you justly term it.
* * *
John Adams to Abigail Adams 2d
| My Dear Daughter | Paris, August 13th |
| | [i.e. 14th], 1783 |
I have received your affectionate letter of the 10th of May, with great pleasure, and another from your mother of the 28th and 29th of April, which by mistake I omitted to mention in my letter to her today. Your education and your welfare, my dear child, are very near my heart; and nothing in this life would contribute so much to my happiness, next to the company of your mother, as yours. I have reason to say this by the experience I have had of the society of your brother, whom I brought with me from the Hague. He is grown to be a man, and the world says they should take him for my younger brother, if they did not know him to be my son. I have great satisfaction in his behaviour, as well as in the improvements he has made in his travels, and the reputation he has left behind him wherever he has been. He is very studious and delights in nothing but books, which alarms me for his health; because, like me, he is naturally inclined to be fat. His knowledge and his judgment are so far beyond his years, as to be admired by all who have conversed with him. I lament, however, that he could not have his education at Harvard College, where his brothers shall have theirs, if Providence shall afford me the means of supporting the expense of it. . . .
You have reason to wish for a taste for history, which is as entertaining and instructive to the female as to the male sex. My advice to you would be to read the history of your own country, which although it may not afford so splendid objects as some others, before the commencement of the late war, yet since that period, it is the most interesting chapter in the history of the world, and before that period is intensely affecting to every native American. You will find among your own ancestors, by your mother's side at least, characters which deserve your attention. It is by the female world, that the greatest and best characters among men are formed. I have long been of this opinion to such a degree, that when I hear of an extraordinary man, good or bad, I naturally, or habitually inquire who was his mother? There can be nothing in life more honourable for a woman, than to contribute by her virtues, her advice, her example, or her address, to the formation of an husband, a brother, or a son, to be useful to the world.
Heaven has blessed you, my daughter, with an understanding and a consideration, that is not found every day among young women, and with a mother who is an ornament to her sex. You will take care that you preserve your own character, and that you persevere in a course of conduct, worthy of the example that is every day before you. With the most fervent wishes for your happiness, I am your affectionate father,
1. Adams and Warren gave each other classical nicknames: Portia for Adams, Marcia for Warren. (Return to footnote number)
2. Catherine Macaulay, British philosopher and author. (Return to footnote number)
3. John Adams left with his son, John Quincy Adams, on a diplomatic mission to Europe. (Return to footnote number)
[From L. H. Butterfield, ed.,
Adams Family Correspondence (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1963), vol. I, pp. 362–63, 369–71, 381–83, 396–98, 401–402; vol. II, pp. 27–28, 93–94, 166–67, 306, 313–14, 390–92, 400–401; Richard Alan Ryerson, ed.,
Adams Family Correspondence (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1993), vol. V, pp. 223–24. [Editorial insertions appear in square brackets—
Ed.]]
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