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In
a letter to Byron in 1816, Percy Shelley declared
that the French Revolution was "the master
theme of the epoch in which we live" — a
judgment with which many of Shelley's contemporaries
concurred. As one of this period's topics, "The
French Revolution: Apocalyptic Expectations," demonstrates,
intellectuals of the age were obsessed with
the concept of violent and inclusive change
in the human condition, and the writings of
those we now consider the major Romantic poets
cannot be understood, historically, without
an awareness of the extent to which their distinctive
concepts, plots, forms, and imagery were shaped
first by the promise, then by the tragedy,
of the great events in neighboring France.
And for the young poets in the early years
of 1789–93, the enthusiasm for the Revolution
had the impetus and high excitement of a religious
awakening, because they interpreted the events
in France in accordance with the apocalyptic
prophecies in the Hebrew and Christian Scriptures;
that is, they viewed these events as fulfilling
the promise, guaranteed by an infallible text,
that a short period of retributive and cleansing
violence would usher in an age of universal
peace and blessedness that would be the equivalent
of a restored Paradise. Even after what they
considered to be the failure of the revolutionary
promise, these poets did not surrender their
hope for a radical reformation of humankind
and its social and political world; instead,
they transferred the basis of that hope from
violent political revolution to a quiet but
drastic revolution in the moral and imaginative
nature of the human race.
"The Gothic," another topic for this period,
is also a prominent and distinctive element
in the writings of the Romantic Age. The mode
had originated in novels of the mid-eighteenth
century that, in radical opposition to the
Enlightenment ideals of order, decorum, and
rational control, had opened to literary exploration
the realm of nightmarish terror, violence,
aberrant psychological states, and sexual rapacity.
In the first Gothic novel, Horace Walpole's The
Castle of Otranto (1764), the ominous hero-villain
had embodied aspects of Satan, the fallen archangel
in Milton's Paradise Lost. This
satanic strain was developed by later writers
and achieved its apotheosis in the creation
of a new and important cultural phenomenon,
the compulsive, grandiose, heaven-and-hell-defying
Byronic hero. In many of its literary products,
the Gothic mode manifested the standard setting
and events, creaky contrivances, and genteel
aim of provoking no more than a pleasurable
shudder — a convention Jane Austen satirized
in Northanger Abbey. Literary Gothicism
also, however, produced enduring classics that
featured such demonic, driven, and imaginatively
compelling protagonists as Byron's Manfred
(NAEL 8, 2.636–68), Frankenstein's
Creature in Mary Shelley's novel, Heathcliff in Emily Brontë's Wuthering
Heights, and, in America, Captain Ahab
in Melville's Moby-Dick.
The
topic "Tintern Abbey, Tourism,
and Romantic Landscape" represents a very
different mode, but one that is equally prominent
in the remarkably diverse spectrum of Romantic
literature. Tintern Abbey, written in
1798, is Wordsworth's initial attempt,
in the short compass of a lyric poem, at a
form he later expanded into the epic-length
narrative of The Prelude. That is, it
is a poem on the growth of the poet's mind,
told primarily in terms of an evolving encounter
between subject and object, mind and nature,
which turns on an anguished spiritual crisis
(identified in The Prelude as occasioned
by the failure of the French Revolution) and
culminates in the achievement of an integral
and assured maturity (specified in The Prelude as
the recognition by Wordsworth of his vocation
as a poet for his crisis-ridden era). In this
aspect, Tintern Abbey can be considered
the succinct precursor, in English literature,
of the genre known by the German term Bildungsgeschichte — the
development of an individual from infancy through
psychological stresses and breaks to a coherent
maturity. This genre came to include such major
achievements as Elizabeth Barrett Browning's Aurora
Leigh in verse (NAEL 8, 2.1092–1106) and
James Joyce's Portrait of the Artist
as a Young Man in prose.
However
innovative, in historical retrospect, the content
and organization of Tintern Abbey may
be, a contemporary reader would have approached
it as simply one of a great number of descriptive
poems that, in the 1790s, undertook to record
a tour of picturesque scenes and ruins. There
is good evidence, in fact, that, on the walking
tour of the Wye valley during which Wordsworth
composed Tintern Abbey, the poet and
his sister carried with them William Gilpin's
best-selling tour guide, Observations on
the River Wye . . . Relative Chiefly to Picturesque
Beauty. As Gilpin and other travelers point
out, the ruined abbey, however picturesque,
served as a habitat for beggars and the wretchedly
poor; also the Wye, in the tidal portion downstream
from the abbey, had noisy and smoky iron-smelting
furnaces along its banks, while in some places
the water was oozy and discolored. These facts,
together with the observation that Wordsworth
dated his poem July 13, 1798, one day before
the anniversary of the Fall of the Bastille,
have generated vigorous controversy about Tintern
Abbey. Some critics read it as a great
and moving meditation on the human condition
and its inescapable experience of aging, loss,
and suffering. (Keats read it this way — as
a wrestling with "the Burden of the Mystery," an
attempt to develop a rationale for the fact
that "the World is full of Misery and
Heartbreak, Pain, Sickness and oppression";
see NAEL 8, 2.945–47.) Others, however,
contend that in the poem, Wordsworth suppresses
any reference to his earlier enthusiasm for
the French Revolution, and also that — by
locating his vantage point in the pristine
upper reaches of the Wye and out of sight of
the abbey — he avoids acknowledging the
spoliation of the environment by industry,
and evades a concern with the social realities
of unemployment, homelessness, and destitution.
"The Satanic and Byronic Hero," another topic for this period, considers a cast of characters whose titanic ambition and outcast state made them important to the Romantic Age's thinking about individualism, revolution, the relationship of the author—the author of genius especially—to society, and the relationship of poetical power to political power. The fallen archangel Satan, as depicted in Milton's Paradise Lost; Napoleon Bonaparte, self-anointed Emperor of the French, Europe's "greatest man" or perhaps, as Coleridge insisted, "the greatest proficient in human destruction that has ever lived"; Lord Byron, or at least Lord Byron in the disguised form in which he presented himself in Childe Harold's Pilgrimage, Manfred, and his Orientalist romances; these figures were consistently grouped together in the public imagination of the Romantic Age. Prompted by radical changes in their systems of political authority and by their experience of a long, drawn-out war in which many of the victories felt like pyrrhic ones, British people during this period felt compelled to rethink the nature of heroism. One way that they pursued this project was to ponder the powers of fascination exerted by these figures whose self-assertion and love of power could appear both demonic and heroic, and who managed both to incite beholders' hatred and horror and to prompt their intense identifications. In the representations surveyed by this topic the ground is laid, as well, for the satanic strain of nineteenth-century literature and so for some of literary history's most compelling protagonists, from Mary Shelley's creature in Frankenstein to Emily Brontë's Heathcliff, to Herman Melville's Captain Ahab.
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