 |
From The Alexiad of Anna
Comnena
Anna
Comnena's biography of her father the
Byzantine emperor Alexius I Comnenus (reigned
1081–1118) is an important historical
and literary document of the period that
includes the First Crusade. The best introduction
to Anna Comnena is her own Preface to the Alexiad,
which contains the following very long
and highly wrought sentence (abridged here):
I, Anna, daughter of the Emperor
Alexius and the Empress Irene, born and bred
in the Purple,
>> note 1 not without some acquaintance
with literature — having devoted
the most earnest study to the Greek language,
in fact, and being not unpracticed in Rhetoric
and having read thoroughly the treatises
of Aristotle and the dialogues of Plato;
. . . I, having realized the
effects wrought by Time, desire now by
means of my writings to give an account
of my father's deeds, which do not
deserve to be consigned to Forgetfulness
nor to be swept away on the flood of Time
into an ocean of Non-Remembrance.
The Alexiad reminds
us of the complexity of the First Crusade,
which was not simply a holy war between the
Roman Catholic Church and Islam. Situated
squarely on the Crusaders' route to the
east was the Byzantine Empire with its capital
Constantinople (later: Byzantium; today:
Istanbul), founded in 330 by the emperor
Constantine the Great, who converted Rome
to Christianity. For a time some Roman emperors
chose to reside in the West or in the East,
establishing the distinction between the
Western and the Eastern Empire. After the
end of the fifth century, historians refer
to the Eastern Empire as the Byzantine Empire,
but Anna Comnena, although her father's
empire no longer included Rome, always calls
it the Roman Empire. The Byzantine Empire,
although profoundly Christian, was often
at odds with the Roman popes in diplomacy
and in doctrine; Byzantine Christianity evolved
into what is today the Greek Orthodox Church.
At
the beginning of the eleventh
century, the Byzantine Empire ruled over
the heel and toe of the Italian boot and
disputed with the West the control of several
petty states in the south of Italy. Mercenaries
from northern France found employment in
constant warfare among the principalities
of southern Italy. The son of a petty Norman
knight, Robert Guiscard ("the weasel"),
established Norman rule over most of the
Byzantine territories in South Italy and
styled himself Duke of Apulia. In 1071
drove the Byzantines from their last foothold
on the Adriatic coast. In 1081, the year
in which Alexius became emperor, Robert
and his son Bohemond, who would become
one of the most important leaders of the
First Crusade, invaded the Empire, which
was already embroiled at the time in war
against the Seljuq Turks on its western
flank. Bohemond outmaneuvered and defeated
Alexius in a strategic encounter, and the
Empire might well have succumbed but for
Alexius's diplomacy, the death of Robert
Guiscard, and internal strife among the
Norman possessions in Italy that forced
the invaders to turn back from their Byzantine
campaigns.
The First Crusade, however,
brought about an uneasy Christian alliance
between the European Crusaders and the Byzantines
against their common Muslim enemies, who
themselves were split into several feuding
ethnic and sectarian factions. Alexius made
sure that the Crusaders converging upon Byzantium,
whom he did not trust, were supplied with
provisions and restrained from pillaging.
Anna Comnena provides portraits of the Crusaders,
whom she refers to disparagingly as "Latins," "Kelts," "Franks," and "barbarians" (the
Greek word for all non-Greek speakers but
with its modern connotations). The princess
was certainly superior in education and culture
to these rough-hewn western noblemen. She
was both fascinated and repelled by Bohemond,
to whom she reverts again and again in her
book. Although her portrait of Bohemond is
not completely factual or fair, and Bohemond
is hardly typical of his fellow Crusaders,
he nevertheless presents us, through Anna's
eyes, with a portrait of a Crusader that
provides a striking contrast with the idealized
portrait of Chaucer's pilgrim Knight
(NAEL 8, 1.219–220, lines 43–78).
>> note 2
Like Father Like Son
His younger son Bohemond he [Robert Guiscard]
sent with powerful forces to our country. . . .
Bohemond resembled his father in all respects,
in daring, strength, aristocratic and indomitable
spirit. In short, Bohemond was the exact
replica and living image of his father. He
attacked Canina, Hiericho, and Avlona
>> note 3 like a thunderbolt, with threats
and irrepressible fury. He seized them, and fighting on took the surrounding
areas bit by bit and destroyed them by fire. Bohemond was in fact like the
acrid smoke which preceded the fire, the preliminary skirmish which comes
before the great assault. Father and son you might liken to caterpillars
and locusts, for what was left by Robert, his son fed on and devoured.
[Alexius welcomes his old enemy Bohemond,
along with the other Crusaders, to Byzantium
and tries to persuade each of them to swear
an oath of fealty to him.]
A Byzantine Reception
Bohemond arrived at Apros with the other
counts. Knowing that he himself was not of
noble descent, with no great military following
because of his lack of resources, he wished
to win the emperor's goodwill, but at
the same time to conceal his own hostile
intentions against him. With only ten Kelts
he hurried to reach the capital before the
rest. Alexius understood his schemes — he
had long experience of Bohemond's deceitful,
treacherous nature — and desired to
talk with him before his companions arrived;
he wanted to hear what Bohemond had to say
and while he still had no chance of corrupting
the rest (they were not far away now) he
hoped to persuade him to cross over to Asia.
When Bohemond came into his presence, Alexius
at once gave him a smile and inquired about
his journey. Where had he left the counts?
Bohemond replied frankly and to the best
of his knowledge to all these questions,
while the emperor politely reminded him of
his daring deeds at Larissa and Dyrrachium;
he also recalled Bohemond's former hostility. "I
was indeed an enemy and foe then," said
Bohemond, "but now I come of my free
will as Your Majesty's friend." Alexius
talked at length with him, in a somewhat
discreet way trying to discover the man's
real feelings, and when he concluded that
Bohemond would be prepared to take the oath
of allegiance, he said to him, "You
are tired now from your journey. Go away
and rest. Tomorrow we can discuss matters
of common interest."
Bohemond went off to the Cosmidion, where
an apartment had been made ready for him
and a rich table was laid full of delicacies
and food of all kinds. Later the cooks brought
in meat and flesh of animals and birds, uncooked. "The
food, as you see, has been prepared by us
in our customary way," they said, "but
if that does not suit you here is raw meat
which can be cooked in whatever way you like." In
doing and saying this they were carrying
out the emperor's instructions. Alexius
was a shrewd judge of a man's character,
cleverly reading the innermost thoughts of
his heart, and knowing the spiteful, malevolent
nature of Bohemond, he rightly guessed what
would happen. It was in order that Bohemond
might have no suspicions that he caused the
uncooked meat to be set before him at the
same time, and it was an excellent move.
The cunning Frank not only refused to taste
any of the food, but would not even touch
it with his finger-tips; he rejected it outright
but divided it all up among the attendants,
without a hint of his own secret misgivings.
It looked as if he was doing them a favor,
but that was mere pretense; in reality, if
one considers the matter rightly, he was
mixing them a cup of death. There was no
attempt to hide his treachery, for it was
his habit to treat servants with utter indifference.
However, he told his own cooks to prepare
the raw meat in the usual Frankish way. On
the next day he asked the attendants how
they felt. "Very well," they replied
and added that they had suffered not the
slightest harm from it. At these words he
revealed his hidden fear: "For my own
part," he said, "when I remembered
the wars I have fought with him, not to mention
the famous battle, I was afraid he might
arrange to kill me by putting a dose of poison
in the food."
Such were the actions of Bohemond. I must
say I have never seen an evil man who in
all his deeds and words did not depart far
from the path of right; whenever a man leaves
the middle course, to whatever extreme he
inclines he takes his stand far from virtue.
Bohemond was summoned then and required,
like the others, to take the customary Latin
oath. Knowing what his position was, he acquiesced
gladly enough, for he had neither illustrious
ancestors nor great wealth (hence his forces
were not strong — only a moderate number
of Keltic followers). In any case Bohemond
was by nature a liar. After the ceremony
was over, Alexius set aside a room in the
palace precincts and had the floor covered
with all kinds of wealth: clothes, gold and
silver coins, objects of lesser value filled
the place so completely that it was impossible
for anyone to walk in it. He ordered the
man deputed to show Bohemond these riches
to open the doors suddenly. Bohemond was
amazed at the sight. "If I had such
wealth," he said, "I would long
ago have become master of many lands." "All
this," said the man, "is yours
today — a present from the emperor." Bohemond
was overjoyed. After accepting the gift and
thanking him for it, he went off to rest
at his lodging-place. Yet when the things
were brought to him, although he had expressed
such admiration before, he changed. "I
never thought I should be so insulted by
the emperor," he said. "Take them
away. Give them back to the sender." Alexius,
familiar with the Latins' characteristic
moodiness, quoted a popular saying: 'His
mischief shall return upon his own head.' Bohemond
heard about this, and when he saw the servants
carefully assembling the presents to carry
them away, he changed his mind once more;
instead of sending them off in anger he smiled
on them, like a sea-polypus which transforms
itself in a minute.
The truth is that Bohemond was an habitual
rogue, quick to react to fleeting circumstances;
he far surpassed all the Latins who passed
through Constantinople at that time in rascality
and courage, but he was equally inferior
in wealth and resources. He was the supreme
mischief-maker. As for inconstancy, that
followed automatically — a trait common
to all Latins. It was no surprise then that
he should be overjoyed to receive the money
he had formerly refused. When he left his
native land, he was a soured man, for he
had no estates at all. Apparently he left
to worship at the Holy Sepulchre, but in
reality to win power for himself — or
rather, if possible, to seize the Roman Empire
itself, as his father had suggested. He was
prepared to go to any length, as they say,
but a great deal of money was required.
The emperor, aware of the man's disagreeable,
ill-natured disposition, cleverly sought
to remove everything that contributed to
Bohemond's secret plans. When therefore
Bohemond demanded the office of Domestic
of the East,
>> note 4 he was not granted his request;
he could not "out-Cretan the Cretan,"
>> note 5 for Alexius was afraid that
once possessed of authority he might use it to subjugate all the other counts
and thereafter convert them easily to any policy he chose. At the same time,
because he did not wish Bohemond to suspect in any way that his plans were
already detected, he flattered him with fine hopes. "The time for that
is not yet ripe, but with your energy and loyalty it will not be long before
you have even that honor."
[The way from Byzantium to the Holy Land
involved the Crusaders in many battles. A
major obstacle was the rich and strongly
fortified city of Antioch near the Syrian
coast, which fell to the Crusaders only after
a siege of fifteen months through treachery
procured by Bohemond. Bohemond had all along
aspired to make Antioch his personal prize.
Although other leaders of the Crusade disputed
his claims, the army eventually set out for
Jerusalem without Bohemond and his forces,
leaving him as the sole possessor of Antioch.
The Conquest of Jerusalem, however, did not
resolve dissension among Christians or make
Bohemond the undisputed and independent Prince
of Antioch. The Crusade had greatly increased
the authority and military power of Alexius,
who now exerted pressure on Bohemond to obey
the oath he had sworn and to hold captured
territories as the emperor's vassal.
Anna tells a unique story, perhaps based
on rumors or concocted by herself, about
Bohemond's scheme to elude the Byzantine
navy in order to raise an army against Alexius
among the Normans in Italy.]
A Still-Breathing "Corpse"
Bohemond shuddered at the emperor's
threats. Without means of defense (for he
had neither an army on land nor a fleet at
sea, and danger hung over him on both sides)
he invented a plan, not very dignified, but
amazingly crafty. First he left the city
of Antioch in the hands of his nephew Tancred
. . . ; then he spread rumors everywhere
about himself: "Bohemond," it was
said, "is dead." While still alive
he convinced the world that he had passed
away.
Faster than the beating of a bird's
wings the story was propagated in all quarters: "Bohemond," it
proclaimed, "is a corpse." When
he perceived that the story had gone far
enough, a wooden coffin was made and a bireme
>> note 6 prepared. The coffin was placed
on board and he, a still-breathing "corpse," sailed away from Soudi,
the port of Antioch, for Rome. He was being transported by sea as a corpse.
To outward appearance (the coffin and the behavior of his companions) he
was a corpse. At each stop the barbarians tore out their hair and paraded
their mourning. But inside Bohemond, stretched out at full length, was a
corpse only thus far; in other respects he was alive, breathing air in and
out through hidden holes. That is how it was at the coastal places, but when
the boat was out at sea, they shared their food with him and gave him attention;
then once more there were the same dirges, the same tomfoolery. However,
in order that the corpse might appear to be in a state of putrefaction, they
strangled or cut the throat of a cock and put that in the coffin with him.
By the fourth or fifth day at the most, the horrible stench was obvious to
anyone who could smell. Those who had been deceived by the outward show thought
the offensive odor emanated from Bohemond's body, but Bohemond himself
derived more pleasure than anyone from his imaginary misfortune. For my part
I wonder how on earth he endured such a siege on his nose and still continued
to live while being carried along with his dead companion. But that has taught
me how hard it is to check all barbarians once they have set their hearts
on something: there is nothing, however objectionable, which they will not
bear when they have made up their minds once and for all to undergo self-inflicted
suffering. This man Bohemond was not yet dead — he was dead only in
pretense — yet he did not hesitate to live with dead bodies.
In the world of our generation this ruse
of Bohemond was unprecedented and unique,
and its purpose was to bring about the downfall
of the Roman Empire. Before it no barbarian
or Greek devised such a plan against his
enemies, nor, I fancy, will anyone in our
lifetime ever see its like again. When he
reached Corfu,
>> note 7 as if he had reached some mountain
peak, as if the island were a place of
refuge and was now free from danger, he
rose from the "presumed dead," left
the coffin where his "corpse" had
lain, enjoyed the sunshine to the full,
breathed in a cleaner air and walked round
the city of Corfu. The inhabitants, seeing
him dressed in outlandish barbarian clothes,
inquired about his family, his condition,
his name; they asked where he came from
and to whom he was going.
Bohemond treated them all with lofty disdain
and demanded to see the duke of the city. . . .
Coming face to face with him, Bohemond, arrogant
in look and attitude, speaking with an arrogant
tongue in a language wholly barbaric, ordered
him to send this communication to the emperor:
To you I, Bohemond, famous son of Robert,
send this message. The past has taught you
and your Empire how formidable are my bravery
and my opposition. When I turn the scales
of fortune, as God is my witness I will not
leave unavenged the evils done to me in the
past. Ever since I took Antioch on my march
through Roman territory and with my spear
enslaved the whole of Syria, I have had my
fill of misery because of you and your army;
my hopes, one after another have been dashed;
I have been thrust into a thousand misfortunes
and a thousand barbarian wars. But now it
is different. I want you to know that although
I was "dead," I have come back
to life. . . . As far as you
and your friends are concerned, I am a corpse;
but to myself and my friends it is manifest
that I am a living man, plotting a diabolical
end for you. . . . If I reach
the mainland of Italy and cast eyes on the
Lombards and all the Latins and the Germans
and our own Franks, men full of martial valor,
then with many a number I will make your
cities and your provinces run with blood,
until I set up my spear in Byzantium itself.
Such was the extreme bombast in which the
barbarian exulted.
[Bohemond's boast — no doubt,
composed by Anna — proves an empty
one. The emperor forces Bohemond to sue for
peace on Alexius's own terms. Anna describes
the final meeting of Bohemond with her father
and then, in effect, writes Bohemond's
obituary.]
Portrait of a Crusader
The arrangements made for [Bohemond's]
reception, when he drew near the imperial
tent, had been carried out in the manner
settled by the envoys. Bohemond went inside,
the emperor extended his hand, grasped Bohemond's
and after the words of welcome usually spoken
by emperors, placed him near the imperial
throne.
Bohemond's appearance was, to put it
briefly, unlike that of any other man seen
in those days in the Roman world, whether
Greek or barbarian. The sight of him inspired
admiration, the mention of his name terror.
I will describe in detail the barbarian's
characteristics. His stature was such that
he towered almost a full cubit over the tallest
men. He was slender of waist and flanks,
with broad shoulders and chest, strong in
the arms; in general he was neither taper
of form, nor heavily built and fleshy, but
perfectly proportioned — one might
say that he conformed to the Polyclitean
ideal.
>> note 8 His hands were large, he had
a good firm stance, and his neck and back were compact. If to the accurate
and meticulous observer he appeared to stoop slightly, that was not caused
by any weakness of the vertebrae of the lower spine, but presumably there
was some malformation there from birth. The skin all over his body was very
white, except for his face which was both white and red. His hair was lightish-brown
and not as long as that of other barbarians (that is, it did not hang on
his shoulders); in fact, the man had no great predilection for long hair,
but cut his short, to the ears. Whether his beard was red or of any other
color I cannot say, for the razor had attacked it, leaving his chin smoother
than any marble. However, it appeared to be red. His eyes were light-blue
and gave some hint of the man's spirit and dignity. He breathed freely
through nostrils that were broad, worthy of his chest and a fine outlet for
the breath that came in gusts from his lungs. There was a certain charm about
him, but it was somewhat dimmed by the alarm his person as a whole inspired;
there was a hard, savage quality in his whole aspect, due, I suppose, to
his great stature and his eyes; even his laugh sounded like a threat to others.
Such was his constitution, mental and physical, that in him both courage
and love were armed, both ready for combat. His arrogance was everywhere
manifest; he was cunning, too, taking refuge quickly in any opportunism.
His words were carefully phrased and the replies he gave were regularly ambiguous.
Only one man, the emperor, could defeat an adversary of such character, an
adversary as great as Bohemond; he did it through luck, through eloquence,
and through the other advantages that Nature had given him. . . .
The emperor had achieved his purpose. Bohemond
under oath had confirmed the written agreement
. . . , swearing by the Holy Gospels
put before him and by the spear with which
the impious pierced the side of Our Savior.
Now, after handing over all his troops to
the emperor to command and use as he wished
Bohemond asked for permission to return home. . . .
Not more than six months later he died.
|
 |