The
English used the same word, "plantation," for
the founding of colonies in the New World
and for the establishment of settlements
in Ireland. In both instances, they were
deaf to the advice of those who, like Sir
Francis Bacon, called for "a plantation
in a pure soil; that is, where people are
not displanted to the end to plant in others.
For else it is rather an extirpation than
a plantation." (See Bacon's Of
Plantations, NAEL 8, 1.1557.) The sense
of Bacon's words is made starkly apparent
in A View of the Present State of Ireland (1596)
by the poet Edmund Spenser.
Spenser spent most of his adult
life as an English planter in Ireland, where
uprisings against English rule were a regular
occurrence. A View, which is written
as a dialogue between two Englishmen, examines
the reasons why previous attempts to subdue
the Irish had failed and proposes strategies
by which English rule could be imposed once
and for all. In the first half of the work,
Irenius,
>> note 1 an
expert on Irish affairs, describes to Eudoxus the evil customs of the Irish,
condemning their nomadic herding practices, their religion, their social
and familial organization, their bards, their hair and dress, and so on.
He derives the origins of the Irish from the barbarous Scythians and explains
the circumstances which led to the degeneration of the Old English. In the
second half, he outlines a program for the military pacification of Ireland.
The brutality of Spenser's proposals, and his insistence on martial rather
than common law as the solution to the Irish problem, may account for the
book's failure to appear in print until 1633; on the other hand, it may
not have been Spenser's views in particular, but discussion of Ireland
in general, that the authorities were anxious to keep out of the public sphere.
In the first passage below, Irenius explains to Eudoxus how the Anglo-Norman
families who had conquered and settled in Ireland four hundred years earlier
had "degenerated," adopting the customs and language of the Irish.
In the second passage, Irenius describes the famine in the Irish province
of Munster in 1581. Spenser's proposal that famine was the best means
to reduce the Irish to permanent submission was brutal even by the standards
of English colonial policy. That Spenser could seriously advocate that the
English deliberately starve the Irish population makes the bitter irony of
Jonathan Swift's Modest Proposal (1729; NAEL 8, 1.2462) even more
devastating.
EUDOXUS. You have very well run through
such customs as the Irish have derived from
the first old nations which inhabited the
land; namely, the Scythians,
>> note 2 the
Spaniards, the Gauls, and the Britons.
It now remaineth that you take in hand
the customs of the old English which are
amongst the Irish; of which I do not think
that you shall have much cause to find
fault with, considering that by the English
most of the old bad Irish customs were
abolished, and more civil fashions brought
in their stead.
IRENIUS. You think otherwise, Eudoxus, than
I do. For the chiefest abuses which are now
in that realm are grown from the English,
and some of them are now much more lawless
and licentious than the very wild Irish.
So that as much care as was by them had to
reform the Irish, so and much more must now
be used to reform them. So much time doth
alter the manners of men.
EUDOX. That seemeth very strange which you
say, that men should so much degenerate from
their first natures as to grow wild.
EUDOX. Is it possible that any should so
far grow out of frame that they should, in
so short space, quite forget their country
and their own names? That is a most dangerous
lethargy, much worse than that of Messala
Corvinus,
>> note 3 who,
being a most learned man, through sickness
forgot his own name. But can you count
us any of this kind?
IREN. I cannot, but by the report of the
Irish themselves, who report that the MacMahons
in the north were anciently English; to wit,
descended from the Fitz Ursulas, which was
a noble family in England; and that the same
appeareth by the signification of their Irish
names. Likewise that the MacSwynes,
>> note 4 now
in Ulster, were anciently of the Veres
in England, but that they themselves, for
hatred of the English, so disguised their
names.
EUDOX. Could they ever conceive any such
dislike of their own natural countries as
that they would be ashamed of their name,
and bite at the dug from which they sucked
life?
IREN. I wot
>> note 5 well
there should be none. But proud hearts
do oftentimes (like wanton colts) kick
at their mothers; as we read Alcibiades
and Themistocles
>> note 6 did,
who, being banished out of Athens, fled
unto the kings of Asia, and there stirred
them up to war against their country, in
which wars they themselves were chieftains.
So, they say, did these MacSwynes and MacMahons,
or rather Veres and Fitz Ursulas, for private
despite,
>> note 7 turn
themselves against England. * * * And with
them, they say, all the people of Munster
went out, and many other of them which
were mere English thenceforth joined with
the Irish against the King, and termed
themselves very Irish, taking on them Irish
habits and customs, which could never since
be clean wiped away, but the contagion
hath remained still amongst their posterities.
Of which sort, they say, be most of their
surnames which end in -an, as Hernan, Shinan,
Mungan, etc., the which now account themselves
natural Irish. Other great houses there
be of the English in Ireland, which, through
licentious conversing with the Irish, or
marrying, or fostering
>> note 8 with
them or lack of meet
>> note 9 nurture,
or other such unhappy occasions, have degenerated
from their ancient dignities and are now
grown as Irish as O'Hanlon's breech,
>> note 10 as
the proverb there is.
EUDOX. In truth, this which you tell is
a most shameful hearing, and to be reformed
with most sharp censures in so great personages,
to the terror of the meaner. For if the lords
and chief men degenerate, what shall be hoped
of the peasants and baser people? And thereby
sure you have made a fair way unto yourself
to lay open the abuses of their evil customs,
which you have now next to declare. The which
no doubt but are very bad, being borrowed
from the Irish, as their apparel, their language,
their riding, and many other the like.
IREN. You cannot but hold them sure to be
very uncivil. For were they at the best that
they were of old, when they were brought
in, they should in so long an alteration
of time seem very uncouth and strange. For
it is to be thought that the use of all England
was in the reign of Henry the Second, when
Ireland was planted with English, very rude
and barbarous; so as, if the same should
be now used in England by any, it would seem
worthy of sharp correction and of new laws
for reformation, for it is but even the other
day since England grew civil. Therefore,
in counting the evil customs of the English
there, I will not have regard whether the
beginning thereof were English or Irish but
will have respect only to the inconvenience
thereof. And first I have to find fault with
the abuse of language; that is, for the speaking
of Irish among the English, which as it is
unnatural that any people should love another's
language more than their own, so it is very
inconvenient and the cause of many other
evils.
EUDOX. It seemeth strange to me that the
English should take more delight to speak
that language than their own, whereas they
should, methinks, rather take scorn to acquaint
their tongues thereto. For it hath ever been
the use of the conqueror to despise the language
of the conquered and to force him by all
means to learn his. So did the Romans always
use, insomuch that there is almost no nation
in the world but is sprinkled with their
language. It were good therefore, meseems,
to search out the original cause of this
evil, for the same being discovered, a redress
thereof will the more easily be provided.
For I think it very strange that, the English
being so many and the Irish so few as they
then were left, the fewer should draw the
more unto their use.
IREN. I suppose that the chief cause of
bringing in the Irish language amongst them
was specially their fostering and marrying
with the Irish, the which are two most dangerous
infections. For, first, the child that sucketh
the milk of the nurse must of necessity learn
his first speech of her, the which being
the first inured
>> note 11 to
his tongue, is ever after most pleasing
unto him, insomuch as, though he afterwards
be taught English, yet the smack of the
first will always abide with him; and not
only of the speech, but also of the manners
and conditions. For, besides that young
children be like apes, which will affect
and imitate what they see done before them,
especially by their nurses whom they love
so well, they moreover draw into themselves
together with their suck even the nature
and disposition of their nurses. For the
mind followeth much the temperature
>> note 12 of
the body, and also the words are the image
of the mind; so as they proceeding from
the mind, the mind must needs be affected
with the words; so that, the speech being
Irish, the heart must needs be Irish, for
out of the abundance of the heart the tongue
speaketh. The next is the marrying with
the Irish, which how dangerous a thing
it is in all commonwealths appeareth to
every simplest sense. And though some great
ones have perhaps used such matches with
their vassals, and have of them nevertheless
raised worthy issue, as Telamon
>> note 13 did
with Tecmessa, Alexander the Great with
Roxana, and Julius Caesar with Cleopatra,
yet the example is so perilous as it is
not to be adventured. For instead of those
few good I could count unto them infinite
many evil. And, indeed, how can such matching
succeed well, seeing that commonly the
child taketh most of his nature of the
mother, besides speech, manners, and inclination,
which are (for the most part) agreeable
to the conditions of their mothers? For
by them they are first framed and fashioned,
so as what they receive once from them
they will hardly ever after forego. Therefore
are those evil customs of fostering and
marrying with Irish most carefully to be
restrained, for of those two the third
evil, that is, the custom of language,
which I spake of, chiefly proceedeth.
IREN. The end will, I assure me, be very
short, and much sooner than can be in so
great a trouble, as it seemeth, hoped for.
Although there should none of them fall by
the sword nor be slain by the soldier, yet
thus being kept from manurance
>> note 14 and
their cattle from running abroad, by this
hard restraint they would quickly consume
themselves and devour one another. The
proof whereof I saw sufficiently exampled
in these late wars of Munster, for, notwithstanding
that the same was a most rich and plentiful
country, full of corn and cattle, that
you would have thought they should have
been able to stand long, yet ere one year
and a half they were brought to such wretchedness
as that any stony heart would have rued
the same. Out of every corner of the woods
and glens they came creeping forth upon
their hands, for their legs could not bear
them. They looked like anatomies of death;
>> note 15 they
spake like ghosts crying out of their graves;
they did eat the dead carrions, happy where
they could find them; yea, and one another
soon after, insomuch as the very carcasses
they spared not to scrape out of their
graves. And if they found a plot of watercresses
or shamrocks, there they flocked as to
a feast for the time, yet not able long
to continue there withal; that in short
space there were none almost left, and
a most populous and plentiful country suddenly
left void of man and beast. Yet sure, in
all that war there perished not many by
the sword, but all by the extremity of
famine which they themselves had wrought.